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Syria

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Notre-Dame

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Barnier's blunderbuss

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Merkel memoires

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So long

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Win Lose

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Far Right

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Starmer and Europe

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Comment

COP 28 aftermath means ever more complex climate diplomacy

Alex Scott and Laura Sabogal Reyes  /  Dec 2023

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What happens next in Britain’s relationship with the European Union?

Sunder Katwala  /  Dec 2023

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Ignore the nay-sayers: Brussels will continue to rule the tech world

Zach Meyers  /  Dec 2023

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Ukraine: We are at a ‘Demosthenes moment’ in Europe

Pierre Haroche and Ronja Kempin  /  Dec 2023

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Education wanted

John Peet  /  Dec 2023

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Wanted: A reality check on Ukraine’s EU accession

Nick Lokker  /  Dec 2023

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How worried should we be about the Far Right taking over Europe?

Denis MacShane  /  Dec 2023

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“Trivergence” could be the next big Brexit issue

Joël Reland  /  Dec 2023

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The EU’s new asylum strategy: can the competition of member states be stopped?

Florian Trauner  /  Dec 2023

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Gaza: What role can Europe play?

Nick Westcott  /  Nov 2023

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The hierarchy of trust

Rory Fitzgerald  /  Nov 2023

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Rethinking UK government management of EU relations

David Henig  /  Nov 2023

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Paving the way for UK-EU youth engagement

Cillian Lohan, Maurizio Cuttin and Ismael Paez Civico  /  Nov 2023

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The EU-UK Financial Regulatory Forum - a positive small step forward

Nick Collier  /  Nov 2023

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What the Dutch General Election means for the EU

Dermot Hodson  /  Nov 2023

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Why did the Windsor Framework fail to restore government in Northern Ireland?

Katy Hayward  /  Nov 2023

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Quo vadis Europa?

Denis MacShane  /  Nov 2023

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An opportunity for the EU’s global voice: international technology governance and AI

Raquel Jorge  /  Nov 2023

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The plight of the Left Out: Young people and Bregret

Frank Pringle  /  Oct 2023

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Future UK-EU trade deals are inevitable, the real focus should be on their impact

David Henig  /  Oct 2023

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The UK and Horizon Europe: Better late… but time and opportunities wasted

Colin Budd  /  Oct 2023

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Grandmothers’ footsteps on reconnecting with Europe

Denis MacShane  /  Oct 2023

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CBAM – another EU acronym to rule them all?

Kevin Le Merle  /  Oct 2023

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The single rulebook is overflowing

Karel Lannoo  /  Oct 2023

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The UK’s ambitions to provide global leadership in green finance face uncertainty

Sarah Hall  /  Oct 2023

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Mapping the future of the European Union

Anthony Cary  /  Oct 2023

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EU climate agenda under threat

Susi Dennison  /  Sep 2023

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We are not arsonists ……. securing a high standards UK after Brexit

Rosalind Stevens  /  Sep 2023

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The irrelevance of Brexit

Philip Rycroft  /  Sep 2023

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Cautiously optimistic. Toward a new level of US-UK economic integration

Emanuel Adam  /  Sep 2023

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The EU still needs to build its de-risking toolkit

Sander Tordoir  /  Sep 2023

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Post Windsor Framework a withering of the early shoots of spring

Catherine Barnard  /  Sep 2023

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The eurozone’s problems are only just beginning

Thomas Aubrey  /  Sep 2023

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UK-EU relations: Post Windsor it’s warm words over substance

Cleo Davies and Jannike Wachowiak  /  Jul 2023

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Waiting for CMU 3.0

Nick Collier  /  Jul 2023

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Are Europeans getting (relatively) poorer?

Oscar Guinea and Oscar du Roy  /  Jul 2023

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Stop treating Ukraine like a chemistry experiment

Ian Bond  /  Jul 2023

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Small town in Germany votes Far Right but EU politics remain mosaic not monolith

Denis MacShane  /  Jul 2023

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What would UK-EU defence industrial co-operation look like?

Luigi Scazzieri  /  Jul 2023

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Has the US lost the leadership on 5G?

Gérard Pogorel  /  Jul 2023

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From Chişinău with love

Amelia Hadfield and Christian Turner  /  Jul 2023

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The European centre-left needs to clarify its ideology

Rodrigo Vaz  /  Jul 2023

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Prigozhin, Putin, and the fragile claims of the Weberian state

Erik Jones  /  Jun 2023

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Three key questions for Turkey after the elections

Vassilis Ntousas  /  Jun 2023

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Europe is menaced by Putin. And Ireland has outlived its neutrality

Philip Stephens  /  Jun 2023

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When corporations save the world

Jonny Shipp  /  Jun 2023

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Giving Ukraine NATO membership is the best way to prevent World War III in Europe

Ian Bond  /  Jun 2023

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What does ‘cooperation’ actually mean?

Simon Usherwood  /  Jun 2023

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The UK’s Microsoft/Activision decision shows the EU how to regulate big tech

Zach Meyers  /  Jun 2023

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A blueprint for improving UK trade policy

David Henig  /  Jun 2023

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European gas imports: a geopolitical risky business

Moniek de Jong  /  May 2023

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G7: Exit globalisation, enter the ‘likeminded’ and economic security?

Georg Riekeles  /  May 2023

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CSDDD: transition plans becoming the norm in the EU

Tsvetelina Kuzmanova  /  May 2023

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The EPC: Let it grow, let it flow

Pierre Vimont  /  May 2023

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Post-Global Britain: a new normal in UK foreign policy

Richard Whitman  /  May 2023

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Why the Windsor Framework could come back to bite Sunak

Joël Reland  /  May 2023

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To see ourselves…

John Edward  /  May 2023

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Can the European Political Community bring the UK and EU closer?

Luigi Scazzieri  /  May 2023

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What strategy for the UK’s bilaterals with EU member states?

Cleo Davies and Hussein Kassim  /  Apr 2023

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Challenging the Labour Party's EU strategy

Andrew Blick  /  Apr 2023

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As Finland joins NATO, Sweden's accession remains uncertain

Charlotte Kleberg and James Black  /  Apr 2023

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Book review: Homelands. A Personal History of Europe by Timothy Garton Ash

Denis MacShane  /  Apr 2023

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Non-EU immigration to UK confounding expectations

Jonathan Portes  /  Apr 2023

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Who is to blame for Brexit (and nationalist populism)? A strange new elite theory

Gerhard Schnyder  /  Apr 2023

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Clear support for EU membership for most European countries but emotional attachment to the nation state endures

Rory Fitzgerald  /  Apr 2023

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How cities are getting hyper-local to solve the massive challenges of climate change

Michael Shank  /  Apr 2023

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European leadership and the war in Ukraine

Pawel Zerka  /  Mar 2023

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Is Brexit finally done?

Jill Rutter  /  Mar 2023

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Like it or not, the EU needs American cloud services

Zach Meyers  /  Mar 2023

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It’s all about the vibe shift

Sam Lowe  /  Mar 2023

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Time for serious UK-EU foreign policy cooperation

Nick Westcott  /  Mar 2023

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UK-France post-summit review: Burying the hatchet and brave new bilateral?

Amelia Hadfield and Tea Zyberaj  /  Mar 2023

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Only War

Beatriz Cózar-Murillo  /  Mar 2023

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The meaning of Rishi Sunak’s Northern Ireland deal

Philip Stephens  /  Mar 2023

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After a year of Russia’s war on Ukraine, has the West learned the right lessons?

Ian Bond  /  Feb 2023

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Sunak’s Protocol deal shows the Brexit tide is turning

Joël Reland  /  Feb 2023

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Brexit and the Swiss Model

Christian Leffler  /  Feb 2023

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Hungary, Poland and the rule of law: Follow the money

Camino Mortera-Martinez and Sander Tordoir  /  Feb 2023

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Why a Northern Ireland solution is crucial for Sunak’s hopes

David Henig  /  Feb 2023

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Urgent, important, and our EU responsibility: military support for Ukraine

Sven Biscop  /  Feb 2023

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It’s time for privacy legislation in the United States (again)

Kenneth Propp  /  Feb 2023

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Europe (still) hesitant to provide democracy aid

Kinga Brudzinska  /  Feb 2023

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Civil society reinforcing the bridges between EU and UK

Jack O'Connor  /  Feb 2023

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War or Europe

Sébastien Maillard  /  Jan 2023

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Brexit isn’t going away

John Springford  /  Jan 2023

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David Lammy starts to shape Labour’s Europe Policy

Denis MacShane  /  Jan 2023

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What's so bad about the Retained EU Law (Revocation and Reform) Bill? Here are four things

Jonathan Jones  /  Jan 2023

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How tenable is Labour's approach to UK-EU relations?

Andrew Grice  /  Jan 2023

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Inside the Deal. How the EU Got Brexit Done, by Stefaan de Rynck: Book Review 

Denis MacShane  /  Jan 2023

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The EU’s ‘To Do’ List For 2023 : Policy, Principle and Possibility?

Amelia Hadfield and Tea Zyberaj  /  Jan 2023

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The impacts of EU Strategic Autonomy: How Member States should respond

Matthias Bauer  /  Jan 2023

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Least said, soonest mended? Public support in Brexit Britain for re-joining the EU

Tim Bale  /  Jan 2023

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Can UK science and technology recover from Brexit?

John Springford and Zach Meyers  /  Jan 2023

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